norwin meneses death

The Contras intervened, gained freedom for the two traffickers and got them their money back by saying the cash, which indeed was for a cocaine purchase in Bolivia, belonged to the Contras. By the time that Hitz’s Volume Two was published in fall 1998, the CIA’s defense against Webb’s series had shrunk to a fig leaf: that the CIA did not conspire with the Contras to raise money through cocaine trafficking.

I also have known how to read between the lines since I was five. narcotics suppliers and Nicaraguan Contra sympathizers, Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon. Killing him in 2004 did nothing for you because he was already out. Drug allegations were swirling around Moises Nunez by the mid-1980s.

Mario Calero, the chief of Contra logistics, grew so uneasy about one air freight company that he notified U.S. law enforcement that the FDN only chartered the planes for the flights south, not the return flights north. .

I think she’s still alive, but appears to have been embalmed years ago. But Webb never could overcome the pain caused by his betrayal at the hands of his journalistic colleagues, his peers. The chief role of the big newspapers in this upside-down world was to heap ridicule on anyone who told the truth. Throughout the war, Bermúdez remained the top Contra military commander. expenses between 1982 and 1984. [CIA officers] were determined that the various difficulties they encountered not be allowed to prevent effective implementation of the Contra program.” One CIA field officer explained, “The focus was to get the job done, get the support and win the war.”. By postal mail: Central Intelligence Agency Office of Public Affairs Washington, D.C. 20505, Contact the Office of Privacy and Civil Liberties, Contact the Employment Verification Office. . It was about the on-the-ground consequences, inside the United States, of that drug trafficking, how the lives of Americans were blighted and destroyed as the collateral damage of a U.S. foreign policy initiative. Were the drug trafficking activities of any of Influential Post media critic Howard Kurtz mocked Webb for saying in a book proposal that he would explore the possibility that the Contra war was primarily a business to its participants. -The Independent. Camarena’s superior at DEA , Phil Jordan came froward in October, 2013 with the same allegations. Recruiting will contact applicants within 45 days if their qualifications meet our needs. (CMA). or connection to the Contras or CIA. Influential Washington Post media critic Howard Kurtz mocked Webb for saying in a book proposal that he would explore the possibility that the Contra war was primarily a business to its participants.

While Ceppos won raves, Webb watched his career collapse and his marriage break up.

Office of General Counsel (OGC) met with the responsible U.S. Attorney (AUSA). [For more on the Contra-cocaine story, see Robert Parry’s Lost History.]. Hitz revealed that the CIA put an admitted drug operative, known by his CIA pseudonym “Ivan Gomez”, in a supervisory position over Pastora. They focused only on the press release that continued to attack Webb, while ignoring the incriminating information that could be found in the full report. In it, one informant described Colombian cocaine off-loaded at an airstrip on Hull’s ranch. approached by the Contras to raise money by drug trafficking and did not provide

with Ronald Lister despite any claims he may have made to the contrary. too bad such a detailed expose’ has as response a wise ass girl and a sorry anti-semite with no conclusion but a beside-the-point rant. . But Hitz made clear that the Contra war took precedence over law enforcement and that the CIA withheld evidence of Contra crimes from the Justice Department, Congress, and even the CIA’s own analytical division.

1983 and claims to have become the largest Los Angeles cocaine dealer before Despite its drug ties to Matta-Ballesteros, SETCO emerged as the principal company for ferrying supplies to the Contras in Honduras. In January 1986, the DEA in Miami seized 414 pounds of cocaine concealed in a shipment of yucca that was going from a Contra operative in Costa Rica to Ocean Hunter, the company where Vidal (and Moises Nunez) worked. By fall 1986, Sen. Kerry had heard enough rumors about Vidal to demand information about him as part of his congressional inquiry into Contra drugs. and sentenced in connection with The Frogman Case. to be intended to influence the outcome of Zavala's trial, which resulted in his . When you return permanently to the US (not on vacation or leave), please visit the, To verify an employee's employment, please contact the, Biographic details, such as a photograph of yourself, and a copy of the biographic page

Even FDN leaders suspected that they were shipping supplies to Central America aboard planes that might be returning with drugs. Our open-source library houses the thousands of documents, periodicals, maps and reports released to the public. Ross states that he provided no money to the Contras and had no public organizations. profit they weren’t supposed to,” Cabezas stated publicly. However, with limited staff and resources, we simply cannot respond to all who write to us. traffickers, pointing out that the U.S. Yet, Webb’s suspicion was no conspiracy theory. into the U.S. from Nicaraguan drug These neoconservatives worked with old-line anticommunists from the Cuban-American community, such as Otto Reich, and CIA propagandists, such as Walter Raymond Jr., to aggressively protect the Contras’ image.

about a link between the CIA and crack Only occasionally, such as when the George H.W. On May 11, 1997, Ceppos published a front-page column saying the series “fell short of my standards.” He criticized the stories because they “strongly implied CIA knowledge” of Contra connections to U.S. drug dealers who were manufacturing crack cocaine. The CIA advised the prosecutor that “no information had been found regarding Ocean Hunter,” a statement that was clearly false. best method depends on your personal situation. "I feel like it depicts him very well," says son Ian Webb.

If you link to our content, please consider updating your links to reflect their new location. Norwin Meneses. We were regarded as “pariahs” in our profession. republicanism are universal, and applicable to all nations, although not well The CIA also learned that Vidal’s drug connections were not only in the past. Hitz found that some drug pilots simply rotated from one sector of the Contra operation to another.

Yet, according to Bromwich’s report, the DEA took the accounts seriously enough to prepare a research report on the evidence in November 1986. Because of this misuse of power by the Big Three newspapers, choosing to conceal their own journalistic failings regarding the Contra-cocaine scandal and to protect the Reagan administration’s image, Webb’s reputation was never rehabilitated. Major U.S. newspapers, including The New York Times, also set out to debunk a claim that Webb had never actually made -- that the crack epidemic was deliberately unleashed on black America by the CIA. Blandon or the Contras in any way. The CIA eased Gomez out of the agency in February 1988, without alerting law enforcement or the congressional oversight committees. At the same time, the article's points about the CIA knowingly doing business with drug-trafficking Nicaraguans had become lost in the controversy.

PS. We now know that the KLA iteration of Al Qaeda was knee deep in the smack trade as well as ANY private army in Afghanistan. Even after Costa Rican authorities brought drug charges against him, influential Americans, including Rep. Lee Hamilton, D-Indiana, demanded that Hull be let out of jail pending trial. I finished Dark Alliance about two months ago and did not know until the end of it that Gary Webb had been eliminated. On Oct. 4, 1996, the Washington Post published a front-page article knocking down Webb’s series, although acknowledging that some Contra operatives did help the cocaine cartels. According to Hitz’s Volume One, Bermúdez enlisted Norwin Meneses, a large-scale Nicaraguan cocaine smuggler and a key figure in Webb’s series, to … To support these claims, the series focused on three men: Ricky Ross, Oscar Danilo Blandón, and Norwin Meneses.

not explain the basis for his actions. In other words, Webb was right about the suspicion that the Contra movement had become less a cause than a business to many of its participants. It is obscenely profitable…and I don’t think anyone can object that their morality would prevent them from engaging in drugs. Zavala organization. The articles stated that Danilo Blandon, identified as a I took a deep breath, sensing that he had no idea of the personal danger he was about to confront. No The drug allegations against Arana dated back to 1983 when a federal narcotics task force put him under criminal investigation because of plans “to smuggle 100 kilograms of cocaine into the United States from South America.” On Jan. 23, 1986, the FBI reported that Arana and his brothers were involved in a drug-smuggling enterprise, although Arana was not charged.

activities of Blandon and Meneses were motivated by any commitment to support For instance, for years, Howard Kurtz got to host the CNN program, “Reliable Sources,” which lectured journalists on professional standards. For a limited time, you also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s.

As it turned out, Webb’s confidence in his editors had been misplaced. Ross was a major drug dealer in Los Angeles. Ronald Lister. Nearly a decade before Gary Webb published his investigative series on cocaine trafficking by Nicaraguan Contra rebels, U.S. law enforcement received a detailed account of top Contra leader Adolfo Calero casually associating with Norwin Meneses, called “a well-reputed drug dealer” in a “secret” document that I recently found at the National Archives.

On Dec. 9, 2004, the 49-year-old Webb typed out suicide notes to his ex-wife and his three children; laid out a certificate for his cremation; and taped a note on the door telling movers, who were coming the next morning, to instead call 911. For example, Geneva Overholser, who at the time was the ombudsman of The Washington Post, wrote that the Post "showed more passion for sniffing out the flaws in San Jose's answer than for sniffing out a better answer themselves."

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